A letter to His Grace the Duke of Grafton, on the present situation of public affairs

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coLLecdoNS

OouqLas
LibRARy

queeN's UNiveRSiT?

AT RiNQSXTON

kiNQSTON ONTARIO CANADA

LETTER

T O

His Grace the Duke of Grafton,

o N

The prefent Situation of Public Affairs.

(Price One Shilling.)

LETTER

T O

His Grace the Duke of Grafton,

O N

The prefent Situation of Public Affairs.

Errant, ut vends difcordibus atta phafelus. —

LONDON:

Piimed for J. Almon, oppofite Burlington-houfe,
Piccadilly,

LETTER,

My Lord,

IT is pofiible for a nation, under a li-
mited monarchy, to be fo circumftanc-
ed, that even a good man may reconcile
it to his patriotifm to act uniformly with
his party, and, by adhering to it with
firmncfs, defcrve a certain degree of ap-
plaufe. The fidelity of party is not in-
deed to be compared to that perfect love
of country, which has no other object but
the public good, and of which your Grace
may perhaps have feen fome inftances in
hiftory. Yet it is a merit of a fubordinate
kind, and, conlidering that the other is
now abfolutely out of date, mould not
B be

3030SG|

be difregarded. It is alfo true, my Lord,
that a nation may be fo circumftanced,
that even a bad man, who never had an
idea of any interefts but his own, mud be
obliged, if he would act confidently with
thofe interefts, to aflume the appearance
of a more enlarged virtue. He muft break
through the dcpendance of party, and
exert himfelf, upon more extenfive prin-
ciples, to preferve the public fortune fiom
a ruin, in which his own would be in-
volved. Your Grace's fituation gives you
the beft opportunity of knowing whether
this country may yet be prefcrved by vir-
tues of a fecond rate ; or whether we have
no refuurce left, but in one general united
effort of pure difintcrcfted patriotifm, to
fave the ftate. Our condition, I hope, is
not yet fo defperate as to want fuch a
proof of public virtue. But it is time, my
Lord, we fhould know what wc have to

truft

( 3 )

truft to. You may conceal the condition
of the kingdom from your fovereign ; but
you will find it difficult to conceal it from
his people, and impoiuble from yourfelf.
There are many things, indeed, which
men know, but which they will not fuf-
fer their minds to dwell on with atten-
tion. It is the fault of humanity, and
particularly of youth, that we turn away
our eyes from the neceflary confideration
of painful objects, and defer the labour
of reformation to the dreadful moment,
when it is become ufelefs or impracti-
cable. If this be your cafe, my Lord, a
ferious reprefentation of the prefent ffate
of the kingdom, directed immediately to
your Grace, may perhaps rouze you
from your lethargy, and make you afham-
ed of it. I (hall confine myfelf to a plain
reprefentation of fads, without prefum-
ing to offer advice, which certainly would
B 2 never

( 4 )
never be taken, or venturing to form
hopes, which probably would be disap-
pointed. In this paper you will find no
reflections upon paribus, but what are
unavoidably connected with things. If'
your Grace's private advantages can be
reconciled to thofe of the nation, may
you enjoy them long. If not, the fucri-
fice of the public to one man's intereft or
ambition would, in language at leaft, be
too bad even for modern depravity.

It may feem a paradox to aflcrt, yet
1 believe it will be found true upon re-
flection, that the diftinclion between the
parties of Whig and Tory, while it was
a real, or at lead a profeft didinclion
in principles as well as name, was of fer-
vice to the kingdom. An able united
oppofltion in parliament, though it may
fomctimes cmbarrafs a good miniftcr,

will

( 5 )
will always have the effect of rouzing the
activity, and fixing the attention of go-
vernment ; of perplexing bad meafures,
and purifying good ones. Oppofition is
the weight, which keeps the machine to-
gether, and makes it go. If it be fteady
and uniform, government will either be
maintained in the lame proportion of ftea-
dinefs, uniformity and ftrength, or there
will be a change of hands. If it be light,
weak, and defultory ; if there be no fixed
general principles of oppofition, experi-
ence fhews us that government will foon
fink down to the fame level of weaknefs,
uncertainty and difunion. The genera-
lity of men are but ill qualified to judge
for themfclves, or to direct their own con-
duct in matter of politics. Their under-
ftandings, like the navigation of the anr
cicnts, are only fit for coafting voyages,
where they may have certain land-marks

and

( 6 )
and beacons conftantly to guide their
courfe. Such in politics I conceive were
thofe eftablifhed principles of party, which
formerly diftinguifhed Whig and Tory
from each other. When they were loft,
what confequence could follow, but fbip-
wreck to private faith and public confif-
tency. The faith of par'y, to which all
public virtue had been reduced, when it
was no longer directed by principles open-
ly profeft and maintained, foon funk
into mere private contract and friendfhip ;
a bond too weak for modern morals. Se-
cret ftipulations are eafily difavowed, and
thofe men will defert their friends with-
out a hkifh, who would be afhamed to
defert both their friends and their prin-
ciples at once. So much are we governed
by words and forms, that when wc for-
get our creed, religion and morals will not
be very long remembered. Tu this con-

fufion

( 7 )

fufion of parties we owe the unfteadinefs
and diffraction, with which public coun-
cils have, for fome years pafr, been con-
dueled. Under the Utopian idea of a
general coalition, men of all parties, fen-
timents, opinions, and connections were
fo mixed and confounded, as to form a
ftrange heterogeneous mafs, which it was
impoffible fhould hold long together.

Mr. Pitt made it his boaft, though
very falfely, that, under his adminiftra-
tion, all diftinction of parties was, for the
firfl time, abolifhed. I am far from
thinking that he would have done a fer-
vice to his country, if it had been true.
But in reality, it was the circumftance
of the times produced that general acqui-
efcence with which his meafures were
received. Public danger and diflrefs will
always have the effect of uniting parties,

or

( 8 )

or at leaft of ftifling their animofities.
Any great national crifis, whether of fo-
reign invafion or of interior convulfion,
will loon oblige all parties to recede from
the extremity of their principles, and
meet in one point, to provide for their
common fafety; but in thofe cafes it
were to be wiflied that the union of par-
ties were lormed by the cohefion of en-
tire bodies, rather than a confufion of
parts. The conduct of the two parties, in
bringing about the revolution, is a flxik-
ing proof that party-fpirit is not likely td
be carried fo far, as to endanger the great
general interests of the country. They
united in altering the fuccerlion to the
crown, and in eftablifhing the public
fecurity. When that great bufincfs was
accomplished, each party returned to its
colours, and revived tint fpirfl of adt i
and re-a&ion, which conftitutcs the health

and

( 9)

and vigour of the ftate. In this light the
revolution forms a glorious leflbn to fu-
ture princes not to depend upon an ap-
parent animofity of one party againft ano-
ther, as a means of deftroying the liber-
ties of both j but rather to dread that
force, which preferves its tone and activity
by a conftant exercife upon itfelf. With
refpect to the coalition boafted of by Mr.
Pitt, it is evident that it could not be ow-
ing to his policy or management, but to
fome other caufe ; fince we find, in his fe-
cond adminiftration after the peace, he
has not been able to perfuade any five
people to agree in fupporting him, or to
form any thing like a ftrong confident
government. There is, however, too
much reafon to think that, by bringing
together men of different parties, he laid
the foundation ofamifchief, which has
C en-

( io )

encreafed every day, and now threaten*
ruin to the kingdom.

It is not my defign to enquire which
party would have governed beft, or whe-
ther the Whig or Tory principle, was
belt adapted to the Biitilh Conftitutioiw
I think there was no danger to the efta-
bliihment from either, while a due oppo-
fuion to it fubfiftcd. What I afllrt is, that
either party alone would have given us a
government ; fmce both have been con-
founded, we have had no government.
The idea of forming an adminiftration
upon the broad lounda;ion of compre-
h ruling all parties, is plca.ing enough in
theoiy, and founds well in declamation,
but has never yet been attempted in this
country with fuccefs. As things are now
conflituted, a government by party, how-

( w )

ever imperfect and partial it may Teem in
fpeculation, is the only one likely to act
with flrength and confiftency, and the
only one that fuits the temper and circum-
ftances of this country. To complain,
that an uniform oppofition retards and em-
barraffes the meafures of government, is
vain and idle. A Minifter, who under-
takes, mould be equal to the tafk with
all its difficulties j and it is fo eafy for
him, confidering the influence and refour-
cesofthe Crown to maintain a parlia-
mentary flrength fufficient for any defen-
flble purpofes, that not to have it will of
itfelf convict him of extraordinary weak-
nefs and mifmanagement. There never
Was an oppofition fupported by fuch abi-
lities, or maintained with fo much perfe-
verance, as that which Sir Robert Wal-
pole met with during the whole of his ad-
miniflration. Yet your Grace knows how
C 2 long

( 12 )

long it was ineffectual, and that probably
it would never have fucceeded, if he had
not given advantages againft himfelf, by a
feries of meafures contradictory to the fpi-
rit and temper, if not to the real intcrefts
of the people.

Thefe obfervations, my Lord, will not
appear ufelefs, if they lead, as 1 apprehend
they do, to a knowledge of the true caufes
of our prcfent fituation. Whether they
lead to a remedy of it, will be matter for
your Grace's future confideration. From
this original miftake that an adminiftra-
tion, to be firm and permanent, fhould
comprehend different parties, all our pre-
fent divifions, all the fcandalous changes,
which have been made in the King's fer-
vants, and confufion of broken, diftracled
meafures, may without difficulty be tr.iced.

In dating to the public fomc of the

mod

( ¥3 )

mod alarming circumftances of our fili-
ation, an attempt to conceal or foften
would be very difficult, and perhaps not
very advifeable ; to exaggerate is impof-
fib'.e. The fame things have probably
been faid or thought by others j but, if we
may judge by the effect, I fhall repeat no-
thing that has yet been fuhHciently confi-
dered. The moft important phenome-
na, in politics as well as nature, are. neg-
lected becaufc they are conftantly before
us, and feem to be little obferved for the
very reafon, which makes them moft
worthy of obfervation.

The national debt prefents itfelf as the
firft great object of national diftrefs.- To
complain of the enormous amount of it,
or to enter into a deduction of all the fa-
tal confequences attending it, would. now
be to little purpofe. But it may be ufe-

ful,

( Hi
ful, and the public lias a right to complain
of the inattention of government to this
great article. The conduct of your im-
mediate predecefTors in office, will not
juftify your Grace nor the board, at which
you prefide. The nation will not Jong
remain fatisfied with feting the conduct
of the revenue repeatedly offered and re-
fufed, and at laft committed to a rate of
abilities barely equal to the tafk oi getting
through the fupplies from year to year,
^e affured, my Lord, the public will not
long be contented with this narrow fyftera
of temporary expedients and poor con-
tracted meafures, which another year rnuft
entirely exhauft. The ftatc of the na-
tional debt, and of trade, upon which the
national revenue depends, calls loudly for
the care of a man of fuperior abilities ; of
capacity to form, and refolution tn execute,
fome great comprchenfive plan for the re-
lief

( 15 )
Jief of both ; who will not content hlmfelf
with a languid official execution of his
duty, but apply to this important fervice,
with the fteadincfs of a Minifter, convin-
ced by real knowledge that he is doing
right, and with the zeal of a man paffio-
nate for his purpofe. The ordinary rou-
tine of office is not made for the prefent
conjuncture; much lefs will it bear the
doubts and difficulties of cautious inexpe-
rience. It calls for a Minifter, who has ex-
perience enough of bufinefs not to be re-
tarded or perplexed by forms, and whofe
mind is equal to the comprehenlion of fe-
veral important objects at once. A real
effectual ceconomy, and a regard to the
burthens with which commerce is oppref-
fed, will be no lefs his care than the an-
nual reduction of a part of the debt.
Thefe objects will be conftantly before
him in an united view j and when he

gains

( i6 )

gains in one way., it will never be at the
cxpencc of lofing in another. If there be
a man in this country poffeffed of fuch
qualifications, it is unneceflary for me to
name him. Either he does not exift, or
there can be no doubt who he is.

Next to the debt, the weight of which
preffes immediately upon this ifland,
where the lifcblood of the empire (lands
collected, I conceive that the ftate of the
colonies demands the immediate and ear-
ned attention of government, of the legis-
lature, and of the people. There was a
time when a moderate degree of care and
firmnefs might have prevented the Ame-
rican torrent from buriting its banks. By
what arts of policy, or by what efforts of
vigour it can now be brought back to and
confined within its natural channel, is
more than a private man of my level

fhould

( '7 )

mould prefume to point out. This at leaft
is certain that, while we have been dilpu-
ting about the right, we have unwarily
given up the facft. Every good man will
wifli that the differences between Great
Britain and her colonies may be compro-
mifed with that amity and affection by
which they ought to be bound to each
other ; but let it be remembered that no
compact between man and man, or be-
tween nation and nation, can havefolidity
or permanence, if it be founded entirely
on demands on one fide, and conceffions
on the other. Either it will foon be bro-
ken, or it will be attended with an abfo-
lute tranfition of power. It is not hazard-
ing much to affert, that every delay in
bringing the queflion between this coun-
try and the colonies, to an equitable and
ceitain decifion, ferves only to make the
D evil

( iS )

c\ il wc : fe, - nd the final remedy more diffi-
cult to Great Britain. I will not object
inch delay to the prefent miniftrv, becaufe
I know their weaknefs ; and I need hardly
afk your Grace, whether you can ferioufly
think that, without fome extraordinary ta-
knts as well as refolution at the head of
affairs, without unanimity in the council,
without ad cd fupport from the le-

giflature, and a general concurrence of the
whole people (which none but a firm mi-
niftry can expeel) this great queflion is
likely to be fairly difcufTed, or decided
h honour and fecurity to this country.
You will not flatter us with the hopes even
of an attempt of this kind from the prefent
adminiflr.uion. We know that your
council is made up of views and bi-
ts too different to agree upon a point
'lis importance j and, if they were

agreed

( '9)

agreed, where are the abilities, where
is the resolution equal to the tafk?

If it were poffible for us to be infenfible
of a ruinous debt, or of the alarmins* ftate
and temper of the colonies, there are
other evils, which we cannot fhut our
eyes to, becaufe they come immediate-
ly home to our doors. A felfifti or
an indolent man may flatter himfelf
that public credit will, at all events, lair,
his time, and that the conteft with America
will be an inheritance bequeathed to pof-
terity. But when domeftic government
is univerfally relaxed, when the laws
have loft their force, and riot little
fiiort of rebellion ihall threaten his
houfe, his fortune, and his life, he can-
not be blind to his danger, nor will
he think that government entitled to his
D 2 fub-

( 20 )

fubmiffion, winch leaves him without
protection. This too, my Lord, is the
effect of con fu fed dhr.rac~r.cd councils. Had
his Majefty's fervants been originally
agreed among themfelves, in what man-
ner to act towards Mr. Wilkes on his
arrival from France, thofe odious fcenes
of violence and outrage on one fide, and
of military execution on the other, to
which we have all been witncfTcs, would
probably have never exifled. I will not
: t, tho' there is ftrong reafon to fuf-
pecl, that many of theft diforders have
been fecretly fomented by one part of
the administration, merely with a view
of perplexing the other.

The mention of military execution na-
turally leads mc to take notice of the

pre*

( 21 )

prcfent condition of our {landing ar-
my. The public provides' annually, in
time of peace, for the eflabliihment of
near thirty four thoufand effective men
for the fervice of Great Britain, and of
the garrifons and plantations abroad. The
expence of this eftablifhment, when ad-
ded to that of half pay to officers reduced,
and to all the neceffiry and unneceffary
contingencies of fuch an army, will ap-
pear enormous. I will not attempt to
revive thofe general arguments againft
{landing armies, which our anceflors
made ufe of in vain. Like old proverbs,
they contain truths, which it is un-
fashionable to believe, until they are con-
firmed by one experiment, which will
decide the queflion in a Nummary way
for ever. But I may be permitted to

afk

( " )

afk your Grace whether this great ex-
pence is (o managed and applied, as
even to anfwer the purpofes intended by
parliament ; or, in other words, whe-
ther your army, either in numbers or dif-
ciplir.e, is fuch as it ought to be, and
fuch as the public has a right to expect
it (hpuld be. Except a few icg'ments
in this ifland, whofe colonels, military
thro' whim, arc perhaps zealous for the
honour of their particular corp?, is your
army on the whole cither compleat in
numbers or in fuch a flate of difcipline, as
to be fit to take the field, if any unforefcen
emergency fhould require it. Your Grace
might know, if you thought proper to
enquire, that the army here, in Ireland,
and in the plantations, not only wants
fame thoufands to ccmplcat, but is,

for

( *3 )

for the moft part, totally unfit for fervice.
If I were to give way to all the reflec-
tions, which naturally arife at fight of
fuchagrofs neglect and fcandalous abufe,
they would perhaps lead me too far into
the consideration of perfonal and parti-
cular circumftances. I fhall content my-
felf therefore with obferving in general,
that whoever formed a late plan of aug-
mentation ought to have compleated the
old eftablifhment before he endeavoured
to augment it j— that every purpofe of
regimental uniformity might have been
anfwered without an augmentation of
three thoufand men ;---that to encreafe
the military ftanding force of this coun-
try, in time of peace, under any pre-
tence, muft always be a fufpicious, and
fome time or other a fatal medure, and

that

( 24 )

that it matters not whether the military
power of the crown be increafpd in Ire-
land or in Great Britain ;— in conclufion,
that we are highly indebted to the Irifh
houfe of common?, which had fpirit
enough to make a ftand, in the firft in-
ftance, againft a meafure, which pro-
bably would have received but little op-
pofition here.

The high price at which provifions
have been held, and arc too likely to con-
tinue, is a grievance which affects not only
the poorer part, but in its cunl'cquenccs
the whole body of the nation, and go-
vernment immediately. Eut lincc I de-
termined to (late nothing in this paper
but abufes or diftreffes, which miniflxrial
negligence or weaknefs lias created, and

which

( 25 )

which a different fyflem of meafures
might correct, I mall not dwell much
upon a difeafe which I doubt, whether
any adminiflration can cure. In the laft
feflion of parliament, Mr. Conway made
an acknowledgment of this kind to the
Houfe of Commons, and was defervcdly
cenfured for advifing the crown to recom-
mend an object to the confederation of
parliament, which he himfelf confeffed
was beyond their reach. From the bound-
lefs extravagance and luxury which pre-
vails through every rank of people, we
feem unanimoufly agreed that the game is
dcfperate, and that it is our intereft to en-
joy life as long, and to ruin ourfclves as
faft as we can, as if fome peftilence had
entered the country, which no man could
efcape. Tins, my Lord, is an evil too in-
E veterate

( 26 )

vetcrateand univerfal for minillcrial pru-
dence to remedy, and I fear even for )our
Grace's example to correct.

The laft point, upon which I lhall ven-
ture to to;, lightly, is formidable
enough to rdann the dulled and mod
ghtlcfs mind. I mean the poffibility
of a war. Such an e\cni you well know,
Ltitfd, would foon flv.ke your loofe
Jntcd ndminif.ration to pieces, and
perhaps give us a foiid united govern-
ment. Whether we ftaouid fubmit to fee
cur natural enemy making an acquifniun
more valuable than all the triumphs of a
fill war; of whether we lhall have
ce until Fiance has recovered ftrcngth
?nd fpiiits enoughto.ir.uk us directly,
are qucflions of flatc not to be relolved,

nor

( *7 )
nor properly to be difcuffcd but in the ca-
binet. By whatever means it has happen-
ed that things arc reduced to a condition,
wherein it is hardly pofiible for you to
take a right ftep, this at leaft is not doubt-
ful, that neither place, nor retirement,
nor owen his iufigrri&OWWfi will prouct a
minifter, under whofe adminiflration it
fhall appear that this country could nei-
ther have peace with honour, nor make
war with advantage.

o'

If thefe proportions and fails fhould
appear to be fairly advanced and truly
ftated, and if it were poffible for the whole
to be thus reprefented to a great prince
qualified to judge well, and anxious to do
right, in what manner may it be ima-
gined he would reafon upon them? Wich-
E 2 out

( 23 )

out any great breach of probability I think
he would exprefs fomething like the fol-

lowing fentiments.

" I fee plainly that I was miftaken in
" my firft. principle of government, and
" that by endeavouring to reconcile and
" unite oppofite parties, I have done no-
,c thing but introduce difcord and diftxac-
" tion into my councils. This miftake
" has been the fource of all that wcak-
" nefs, inconfiftcncy and change of mi-
" niters, which has dishonoured my go-
" vcrnment, and made my crown a bur-
" then to me. Experience, beyond all
" Speculation, has convinced me that it
" is impoffible to govern this country but
" by a (ingle party. I am determined,
" therefore, to commit my affairs for the

•' future

( 29 )

" future to that party, which, on mature

" deliberation, fhall appear ftrongeft: in
" abilities, numbers, and parliamentary
" interefls. My choice mall be made with

" caution, but I will adhere to it firmly;

■

" or, if I (liould be compelled to change
" my fervants, the change [hall be entire,
" for never more will I fubmit to patch
" an adminillration. Which e er way I
** turn my eyes, the neceffity of forming
" once for all a new, a compact, °ndan
" able adminiflrat: jn, appears to me in
" the ftrongeft light. The ftate of the
" finances calls for a man of fuperior ta-
" talents ; — that of the colonies cquires
" a man of unfhaken refolution. I muft
«• have union, wifdom, and firmnefs in
" my own fervants, before I can hope
" to reftore vigour to my government,
" or reverence to the laws. My army

muft

o )

" muft no longer be facrificcdto the ani-
" mofities of a Commander in Chief, and
u ot a Secretary at war, or to the negli-
" gence of both.

" When thefe alt^atior.s are made, if
** it mould then pleafe God to make a
" war unavoidable, the natk n will cither
«' be prepared for it, or I fhall have the
" confolation of knowing that I have
** done my duty to my people.''

FINIS.

London, June 30, 17C8.

PROPOSALS

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A New Baronetage of England :

fc> D

CONTAINING

An Historical and Genealogical Account of

THE ENGLISH BARONETS,
NOW EXISTING,

from the institution of that order,

IN THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIRST,

to the present time.

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is and other occurrences, have rendered the
former Baronetages extremely inaccurate and imper-
To fupply the defects, therefore, of preceding
publications of this nature, and to accommodate

the

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the public with a new and complete Baronetage of
England; from the reign of king James I. to the
prefent tune, is the dYfign of this performance ■
towards the perfecting of whit h fev( ral curious and
valuable materials nave been kindly furnifhed by
lojne learned friends > many books have been con-
futed, which had efeaped the nod brmer
editors; and many pedigrees and other authentic
accounts examined, to which they had not
able to procure accefs. With thefe and the like
helps, this Baronetage, it is prefumed, will ap-
pear to -.eater advantage than any former work of
the fame kind 5 yet even with all theft help-; the
editors are far from thinking it will be perfect
without the kind afriftance or the Baronets them-
felves or their friends, efpetiillv thofc who have
(een created fince the year 17+0; and. therefore it
is molt earneftly requefted, that they would be fo
obliging, as well from a regard to their own ho-
nour and dignity, as in compliment to the public,
to tranfmit an account of their families and arms,
tor point out where they may be met with) to the
publiflrcr, J. Ax.mom, in Piccadilly, who will ta
care to forward them to the editors, By tl
means the \soik mil be rendered a< curate and per-
fect i and each family will have the fatisfaftion of
appearing in the manner that is mofl agreeable to
io ■ The editors, then
elude without repeating their earnefl fol
''"' leveral ■!„,/;■ hand-, theft pro
"iay fall, to contribute their friendly a
croua affiftance toward) completing this ufcful
and valu:

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